The Problem with Authenticity in Hip Hop

The Problem with Authenticity in Hip Hop

Hip Hop began as a multifaceted, “youth oriented” (McLeod 134), expressive art form in the early to mid 1970s. This cultural movement would arise following the Civil Rights and Soul Music era. The social climate in the United States saw little change from the days of the Civil Rights movement, especially in the eyes of the marginalized population. While some people of color were beginning to benefit from upward mobility, many had become dissatisfied with the direction of the previous movement. Unequal access to societal resources, inadequate jobs paying reasonable living wages, and stratified schools were ever pervasive. Relationships between communities of color and law enforcement saw little, if any improvement and the economic infrastructure of the country was in flux , as the urban centers were quickly becoming barren necropoleis . With factories relocating to the suburbs, many urban neighborhoods, primarily occupied by people of color, were left dilapidated and eroded. At this moment, in a post-industrial economy, these victims of “urban flight” and gentrification would experience “radically altered communal sensibilities…” (Neal 363).

The origins of Hip Hop hail from one of the roughest, most severely impoverished sections of New York City: the South Bronx. In Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip Hop Generation, Jeff Chang attempts to illustrate just how devastating the economic plight was in this particular area. This neighborhood suffered a devastating blow with the loss of over 600,000 manufacturing jobs. Toward the mid 70s, with over 40 percent of the [industrial] sector gone, the average annual household income was reduced to $2,430, just half of the New York City average. The South Bronx, once an area populated by middle class whites and immigrants, was being abandoned for “cookie-cutter suburbs” under development in New Jersey, Long Island, and Queens, (Chang 12-14).

From such a tumultuous social climate, and from the ashes of struggles toward social justice, it seems this new social forum was destined to come forth. An offspring from the ever-pervading societal frictions, Hip Hop music was created by marginalized youth who felt their voices were being deliberately silenced and ignored by the dominating powers-that-be. During its early years, this social phenomenon was seen by its critics as “nonsensical,” (Blair 499)—nothing more than a pattern of deviance, and was considered to be counter cultural.. Over the decades, it has evolved from myriad artistic and elemental articulations, simultaneously existing at the time of its inception. These elements, considered by members of this community to be the four basic elements of the culture include djing, break dancing, graffiti art, and emceeing. Hip Hop, post-inception, has been reinterpreted into a multi-billion dollar industry, globally renowned, and assimilated into many cultures.

While such exponential growth has done much to further this culture’s influence and appeal, it exists not without criticism. There have been debates, both internally and externally, as to whether this musical culture has abandoned its so-called credo, or the tenets of its “glory days.” Many participants, who consider themselves “die hard” agents within this culture, feel that corporate appropriation has worked to erode Hip Hop from its more street-based authentic origins. In rap, there are several forms of representation in which materialism is the over-arching theme. Rappers are portrayed on radio and through videos as “flossers,” or individuals who exhibit a lifestyle of vast material success via self-aggrandizement. Opponents contend that such portrayal of materialism has driven Hip Hop into a state of mediocrity, or even as one current famous rapper coins, “Hip Hop is Dead,” (Hip Hop is Dead, 2007). This paper will attempt to explore how authenticity is defined by agents within this culture. Moreover, this paper will show the difficulty in discerning what is authentic and/or inauthentic within Hip Hop.

Hip Hop Genesis: A Brief Background

Regardless of the myriad impressions people have when discussing what is real within Hip Hop culture/music, it is difficult to situate Hip Hop within any context of authenticity without exploring its origins pre-commercial assimilation. Historically, the music of a particular era has resonated the thoughts, philosophies, and ideals of that era. In the Civil Rights movement, there was Soul Music, providing to the world a soundtrack illustrating the barbarous inequalities experienced by a socially alienated and marginalized people in the United States. In the article “Postindustrial Soul: Black Popular Music at the Crossroads,” Mark Anthony Neal states, “ As the genre [Hip Hop] represented a counter narrative to black middle-class mobility, it also represented a counter narrative to the emergence of a corporate-driven music industry and a mass comodification of black expression,” (Neal 363, 371). Hip Hop music, akin to soul music (and even jazz), is a microcosm of a collective Black experience, and was born out the frustrations and sentiments of a dissatisfied people. These people felt abandoned by their Civil Rights leaders, and became disillusioned toward that movement and its traditional “strategies,” (Neal 370). They began seeking more aggressive means of voicing disdain toward their social exclusion, as well as critique of the oppressively dominating culture .

The four basic elements of Hip Hop were in fact pre-existing displays of artistic expression, as well as resistance to mainstream culture. They were independent of one another in their respective forms, but would intersect as the culture’s identity core. What began as mere block jams and house parties as an alternative to gang-related “turf wars” and other criminal activity would become one of the most influential youth-oriented social phenomenon, and simultaneously one of the most economically lucrative genres to date. Neal illustrates a pre-comodified grassroots Hip Hop “largely relying on word of mouth and live performances as a means of promotion…,” (Neal 363).

Without having access to more conventional means of promotions, graffiti artists became very instrumental in helping to get the word to other boroughs in New York City. At these parties, DJs such as Kool Herc—the “Father,” (note: Kool Herc is attributed the name “Father” due to the innovative style of djing he brought to the Bronx, and many consider him the originator of the Hip Hop party), would spin soul records, highlighting the “breaks,” or the breakdown of a particular composition, and loop the break. DJs soon found that patrons of the parties loved dancing to this part of the music, thus the second turntable was introduced, and djs would scratch between two of the same records to prolong popular breaks. B-boys and B-girls or break-dancers, would display “def” -defying acrobatic moves to the break beat, captivating onlookers. Rappers would, at the request of the DJ, offer a call-and-response chant to the crowd, e.g. “Yes-yes ya’ll, and you don’t stop!” (Note: Kool Herc is also credited for bringing this “toasting” or “chatting” from his native Jamaica, to the Bronx). This form of chanting, or rapping, quickly evolved into a sport of poetic jousting, or “freestyle rapping” between two people, and in many cases, entire groups representing rival neighborhoods. Freestyle rapping incorporated improvisational rhymes in the spirit of competition, and was seen by many within the culture as a healthy alternative to physical altercations between rival individuals, neighborhoods, etc.

During its developing years Hip Hop music, seen as a passing “fad,” was easily ignored by the corporate lens, thus allowing the culture to develop independent of industrial appropriation; this was not to last. Though many critics of Hip Hop culture/music offered no more than unilateral critique, the appeal and influence of the culture began reaching a new demographic: white suburban teens. It is not difficult to see that with the technological developments in music production and sound recording, corporate annexation was inevitable. Historically, subcultures experiencing annexation by the dominating culture are victims of undesired commercial reinterpretation. Hip Hop was no different. Members of this cultural community felt a stronger sense of connection pre-annexation, as it was “representative of a concerted effort by youth urban blacks to use mass-culture to communicate communal discourse across a fractured and dislocated national community,” (Neal 371). What was once a reactive stance against the “social isolation,” in which urban black youth used to create for themselves a viable “communal space,” (Neal 371), was rapidly being reinterpreted into the next hot commodity.

The Problematic notions of “Real”

As an ardent participant and practitioner within Hip Hop culture, this writer has often scrutinized certain artists, albeit subjectively— who were not “staying true” to the original philosophies of the culture. Of course, if one were to be asked what those “original” philosophical tenets were, they may have difficulty in providing a clear answer. In the initial stages of writing this paper, the goal was to determine why some Hip Hop artists alter their persona, and in turn, alter the way in which they present their music to the consumer population.

Through rigorous research, it becomes difficult to present Hip Hop authenticity as a fixed, concept. In fact; the meanings tend to be constantly in flux . How can we define authenticity? The usual answer would be derived from an implication of dichotomy existing between Hip Hop’s origins and what it is today, or in more contemporary terms, the mainstream versus the underground. It is traditional in Western customs to categorize singular concepts in order to attribute definition, and through definition, a measure of control. The debate between the popular mainstream and the so-called authentic underground is nothing new. While Motown represented a more progressive sound, Stax, and even Hi Records represented a relatable sound, more “down home,” and the latter stood in a reactive position to the former.

In the article “Authenticity within Hip Hop and Other Cultures Threatened by Assimilation,” Kembrew McLeod examines pervasive claims of authenticity within Hip Hop culture. “By mapping the range of meanings associated with authenticity as they are invoked discursively, we can gain a better understanding of how a culture in danger of assimilation seeks to preserve its identity,” (McLeod 134). McLeod sees claims of authenticity as “reoccurring,” and central to “key cultural symbols in Hip Hop music,” (McLeod 134). According to McLeod, expert Seitel states, “Studying metaphors can uncover basic underlying principles that people use to conceive of and evaluate their own speech interactions…,” (McLeod 135). McLeod creates a qualitative platform, highlighting “semantic dimensions,” which he breaks down into six categories: social-psychological, racial, political-economic, gender-sexual, social locational, and cultural.

While researching Seitel, Neal, Rose and others, McLeod “derived an indigenous coding scheme from the data,” and further found that, “analysis was not the hip hop community, broadly, but was a discursive context in which the following two symbols co-occurred: “authenticity” and “hip-hop,” (McLeod 137). From numerous internet blogs, interviewing Hip Hop recording artists, and exploring any place where a discourse of authenticity and hip hop occurred, McLeod was able to examine the meaning of linguistic cultural symbols in the context of Hip Hop culture/music . McLeod witnessed how artists and people belonging to this community viewed claims of authenticity, invoking the all too familiar phrase of “keeping it real,” (McLeod 139). He cited how DJ Muggs, a multi-platinum producer for the group Cypress Hill became agitated by the ubiquitous phrase “keeping it real,” “claiming it was a trendy ‘flavor of the month,” (McLeod 139). This phrase, while saturated into the socialized yet mutable notions of what is considered “real” in Hip Hop, presents a paradoxical dilemma, further emphasizing the difficulty of providing any concreteness to such a subjective study.

Hip Hop gets Upgraded

As Hip Hop culture developed and evolved over the next three decades, part of its identity became imbedded within its sound according to geographical location. For example, an East Coast or New York based artist may choose to perform over electronically-reproduced sample-heavy beats, which contain multiple sonic elements, and reflect the social terrain of their home. New York city is seen by many as not only the Mecca of Hip Hop’s origins (which carries its own connotation of arrogance), but a towering metropolis of millions, all living in extreme proximity to one another, invoking hostile attitudes, etc. Such a social make-up of clustered homes/apartments, dense traffic jams, hostile police/community relations is resonated throughout the music of that locale. In juxtaposition, the South is classically seen as a place that moves to a slower pace, where people are spread out from one another, seemingly more relaxed than in their Northern counterparts.

Historically, there has always been tension between the North and South. The South was looked down upon for relishing in its “peculiar institution” of slavery, while the North had a more abolitionist /anti-slavery stance. Current music in the South is represented by slow-tempo beats, and heavy bass grooves, further accentuating an implied “laid-back” characteristic. Similar context could be applied to the West Coast, and its cool “surfer” image, etc. Lately, there has been, among the many debates within the Hip Hop community, a need to associate blame with regard to who is responsible for the current trend of “simplified music” and the erosion of Hip Hop culture from the tenets of its origin. Similar to the East Coast/West Coast tensions of the mid to late nineties, many artists from the East Coast have pointed an accusatory finger toward the South, who seem to dominate the Billboard charts and radio rotations with their “laid-back” dance themed music.

Interestingly, one could posit that while for a time Hip Hop music was distinguishable by geography, it has become much less so, with artists such as Mims, who performs the chart-topping “This is Why I’m Hot,” (Music is My Savior 2007). Mims, while his music may sound as an authentic production of southern Hip Hop, is himself from Washington Heights, NYC. In fact, there has been a rising trend where artists from the East Coast have adapted Southern style of rap performance, usually as a marketing tactic, thus appropriating that region’s sound. While some agents of Hip Hop culture’s so-called authentic underground contend that platinum record sales by an artist is a testament of complicity in this culture’s continued “erosion,” the platinum-selling mainstream artist is considered authentic by the recording industry based on album sales. Many underground artists, whether by means of securing major recording contracts with popular labels, or opting to take the “indie” route, seek to obtain platinum status. This is done by advertising the idea that excessive platinum sales not only broaden your marketability, but also equates to artistic success.

Chang provides a fair tone describing this dilemma when asking, “What did it mean to ‘keep it ‘real’ anymore,” (Chang 447). Further, “Could one preserve any kind of individual agency or did one have to ride with the new flavor of exploitation,” (Chang 447). It becomes difficult to attribute credit as to who created these categories of distinction. Were they an authentic production created by members of the Hip Hop community as a measure of asserting agency, (i.e. underground, as associated with being a “real emcee”), or have these distinctions been grafted and/or annexed into the mainstream’s marketing lexicon, further modifying this culture toward a more consumer friendly product, targeting the white teen demographic through reinterpretations of defining “real”? Media outlets (radio, video, etc.) boast they are “keeping it real,” as opposed to their competition.

Material apparel is adorned with “keep it real” phrases, and present images that symbolize and celebrate illegal criminal activity via informal economy, (i.e. “snowman,” or “doeboy,” are slang terms for illegal drug selling.). In the article “Getting’ Paid,” Kalefa Sanneh exposits how Jay-Z has “ushered in a new era of corporate rap,” and stands as perhaps the most recognizable balance between the thug, and the business man. Jay-Z co-owned his former label Roc-A-Fella records, Rocawear clothing line, a production house (Roc-A-Fella Films), and is now the CEO of Def Jam Records (Sanneh 276). He (Sanneh) contends: “Many rappers have made money, and lots of it, but none have rapped so eloquently about making money, or about the lure of wealth and ambition. Jay-Z has succeeded by treating hip hop above all as a corporate enterprise, by embracing ruthless professionalism as his guiding aesthetic. As he once put it, “What y’all about to witness is big business, kid,” (Sanneh 277).

Conclusion: Is Hip Hop truly dead?

This work’s original intentions were to investigate the reasons that motivated artists to “alter” their personae and performance in regards to their pursuits toward commercial success. This writer sought to draw from distinctions of communal identity within a broadly construed perspective of Hip Hop culture/music, and imply a dichotomous relationship between the spheres of underground Hip Hop music, and mainstream rap, attempting to illustrate how the former was by nature more authentic than the latter. Kembrew McLeod’s work provided perhaps the most practical offering toward a collective meaning, showing how members of the Hip Hop community seek to protect sacred symbols of this culture by distinguishing what is authentic and/or inauthentic. Chang’s Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip Hop Generation places an accessible link to the years of this culture’s commercial ascension, and the consequences of that ascension.

Hip Hop has benefited from commercial success, in that it has become a serious global influence in the lives of people from multiple cultural and class backgrounds, especially youth. However, the world must not forget that this culture was forged from the fires of frustration, from social alienation, and the thirst for a marginalized peoples’ humanity to be recognized. We see cultural preservation at stake when corporations dissect a phenomenon that has altered society, appropriate it, and reintroduce that phenomenon as nothing more than a product for consumption. While accessible by humanity (as a product), the humanity within this culture has been compromised, and what was once sacred becomes hollow. There is a generation of youth who have come into the knowledge of this Hip Hop culture, but they are disconnected from its past, thus they may have no stake in its future. In Nas’s Hip Hop is dead (Hip Hop is Dead 2007), he observes:

“…Everybody sound the same, commercialize the game
Reminiscin' when it wasn't all business
They forgot where it started
So we all gather here for the dearly departed
Hip hopper since a toddler
One homeboy became a man then a mobster
If it dies let me get my last swig of Vodka
R.I.P., we'll donate your lungs to a rasta
Went from turntables to MP3's
From "Beat Street" to commercials on Mickey D's
From gold cables to Jacobs
From plain facials to botox and face lifts
I'm lookin' over my shoulder
It's about eighty niggaz from my hood that showed up
And they came to show love
Sold out concert and the doors are closed shut…”

Works Cited

Blair, Elizabeth M. “Commercialization of the Rap Music Culture” That’s The Joint (2004): Routledge: New York. 497-504

Chang, Jeff “Necropolis” Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip Hop Generation St. Martin’s Press: New York, 2005. 7-19

Chang, Jeff “Making a Name” Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip Hop Generation St. Martin’s Press: New York, 2005. 67-85

Chang, Jeff “New World Order” Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip Hop Generation St. Martin’s Press: New York, 2005. 437-465

McLeod, Kembrew “Authenticity within hip hop and other cultures threatened with Assimilation” Journal of Communication; Autumn 1999; 49, 4; ABI/INFORM Global

Neal, Mark Anthony “Postindustrial Soul: Black Popular Music at the Crossroads” That’s The Joint (2004): Routledge: New York.

Sanneh, Kalefa “Getting’ Paid” Jay-Z, criminal culture, and the rise of Corporate Rap

http://www.infozine.com/news/stories/op/storiesView/sid/14384/

References

“Hip Hop is Dead” Nas (lyrics) (Def Jam/Columbia/The Jones Experience 2006)

“Real Niggaz” Jay-Z featuring Too $hort (lyrics) (Roc-A-Fella Records)

“This is why I’m Hot” MIMS (EMI/Capitol Records/American King Music 2007)

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